Louis-joseph papineau death

Papineau, Louis-Joseph — Papineau was leader of the patriote party in Lower Canada modern Quebec , and the voice of a vocal nationalism, which by confronted the British government with demands for effective control of the province. In response, the House of Commons in March authorized the governor to ignore the Assembly, which was refusing to vote taxes.

Lower Canada simmered with protest until November, when an attempt to arrest Papineau triggered open rebellion. British forces suppressed the uprising with much loss of life. Papineau went into exile, returning to Canada in and later campaigning against the abolition of the seigneurial system. Ged Martin. More From encyclopedia.

Updated Aug 08 About encyclopedia. Louis-Dreyfus, Julia. Louis-Bertrand Castel. Louis-Antoine de Bougainville. Louis, Rudolf. Louis, P. Louis, Justin Justin Lewis. Louis, Joseph "Joe". Louis, Joe — He remained all his life an austere man who never attained the moderation and smiling scepticism taught by certain writers whose works he read.

It is certain that Joseph Papineau did not possess great religious fervour. He renounced Catholicism, probably during the s, and did not return to it until shortly before his death. It should be noted that in addition to having been among the minority who favoured establishing parliamentary institutions, he had proved to be one of the most influential members of the House of Assembly.

His efforts to adapt to new institutions and his activity as a member of the house certainly influenced the subsequent choices made by his son. Joseph Papineau was not a radical: he was a monarchist who professed a very moderate liberalism. This institution did not aim, any more than the previous one, at forming revolutionary minds, or even minds merely inclined to innovation.

The teaching programme could not have been more traditional.

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  • The supremacy of Latin was maintained, and the teaching, by its content, was directed towards the rejection of the heritage of the 18th century. Fear of the French Revolution and of its ideas animated the teachers. The cult of authority and obedience sustained an aristocratic and hierarchical vision of society.

    In a period when parliamentary institutions were opening the way for changes in political behaviour, these clerical establishments imposed on their pupils the theory of the divine right of absolute monarchy. At the seminary, Papineau had the reputation of being a gifted pupil, not much of a worker but a great reader. He was to state at the end of his life that he lost his faith at the seminary of Quebec.

    The truth is less obvious and more complex: neither on the religious plane nor elsewhere do his choices appear to have been clear and final. When he left the seminary in , Papineau hesitated long as to what career to choose; in that respect he was like many graduates of the time, who were ill prepared by the environment and by their education to adapt themselves to social change.

    In fact the choices were few: once a student had rejected the priesthood, only the liberal professions were open to him. He first decided to become a notary, then, modifying his choice, he opted for the profession of lawyer. Once authorized to practise law in , he carried on his profession intermittently, and continued to make his dissatisfaction heard.

    In he had been elected to the assembly for the county of Kent, thus starting a long political career that was not to come to an end until after he represented the counties of Montreal West —38 , Surrey —28 , Montreal —35 , Saint-Maurice —51 , and Deux-Montagnes — No doubt politics allowed him to express certain aspects of his personality, but they left him unsatisfied, eager for the day when he could live in the country with his family and books around him.

    Yet when he was confined to activities which up to then had been more a means of escape than of personal development, the exalted seigneur of Montebello was not to find peace, any more than the disappointed lawyer and the flattered political leader. The sources of his fear were within him: Papineau was and remained an eternal discontent.

    Papineau entered the assembly at the height of a political crisis, which had begun in This crisis, which was unquestionably new, had been marked by the emergence of French Canadian nationalism and political parties. The idea of ministerial responsibility supported this intention, to which the clergy and the old seigneurial families took exception.

    Its aim was to silence the extremist elements or remove them from the direction of the party. In the preceding year he had bought the seigneury of Petite-Nation from his father. Despite the rivalries of all kinds which plagued the Parti Canadien, his authority continued to grow with the ever increasing concentration of problems in the Montreal region.

    The crisis of over union was to add to his prestige and authority. The groups opposed to the plan of union may have had varying motives, but Papineau and Neilson none the less appeared as the representatives of an extraordinarily large majority of the population. Their mission had relatively little effect on the course of events in England, where the government, in the face of the energetic opposition of certain members of the House of Commons, deemed it wise not to reintroduce the bill, but they nevertheless had the credit for the decision.

    Papineau, moreover, was able to exploit for political ends the fear generated by this plot, attributed to business circles. In the Parti Canadien became the Patriote party. Such is the man whom a small number of his supporters have the presumption to believe that they can discard when he is no longer useful to them. One look from Papineau would subdue all his Canadian flock.

    The practice, after , of systematic obstruction, which was intended to force the English government to adopt the reforms sought, was imposed by Papineau. But within the Patriote party a wing of authentic liberals was talking about revolutionary action, and placing more and more emphasis on social transformation. To stir up peoples, one must not rest content with debating purely abstract questions.

    Something more solid is required. One must touch the sentimental part: the purse. So long as a question of this nature is not raised, agitation cannot be constant and lasting. In the circumstances, I see no question more calculated to lead to this end than the abolition of seigneurial rights.

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    Apart from the seigneurs and the government, everyone desires it, whatever their shade of political opinion. I am therefore firmly resolved to bring this proposal up for discussion at the opening of our next session. The government, the seigneurs and the hauts petits aristocrates of both parties will no doubt oppose it; but the masses will unite and act in concert.

    The Papineau group was firmly opposed to any institutional change, whether it concerned the seigneurial system, or the customary law of Paris, or even the status of the clergy. The thinking of a man so unstable as Papineau, and a politician into the bargain, is not easy to describe. If he tended to act as though moved by the most absolute disinterestedness, the purest patriotism, and rigid obedience to sacred principles, he was none the less inclined to present the image of the great democratic liberal battling against obscurantism, corruption, and the oppression exercised by reactionary colonizers greedy for wealth.

    It was for this cause that he would have willingly agreed to sacrifice his tranquillity and his happiness. This view of him — his own — which was accepted by many people at the time and subsequently, belongs more to myth than to reality. In Papineau, the nationalist, when he was not using new ideologies to support conservative objectives, was usually at war with the liberal and the democrat.

    This nationalism was at first pledged to the defence of linguistic rights and traditional institutions, which were in no way liberal and democratic — quite the contrary. Papineau had read the philosophes of the 18th century and the liberal thinkers of his day, and he declared himself a supporter of their doctrines.

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    By his declamations against medieval feudalism, against nobles and aristocrats of all times, even on occasion against the descendants of the old French Canadian seigneurial families, Papineau might appear a bitter adversary of the old regime. His eulogies of the authors of the American Declaration of Independence and of the Declaration of the Rights of Man in France implied that he was in favour of a conception of property as individual and absolute and opposed to the feudal conception.

    In reality he remained throughout his life a supporter of the seigneurial regime. He would never admit openly that France had introduced feudal servitudes as well as seigneurial servitudes into Canada, and that the regime served as a support for a hierarchical and aristocratic society. This attitude might be explained by the fact that he was a seigneur himself.

    But Papineau saw in seigneurial tenure not only a traditional but also a national institution. Seen in this light the seigneurial system was supposed to act as a brake on the mobility of landed property and on speculation. Instead of concentrating property in a few hands, this system, according to Papineau, tended to divide up the land equally between individuals.

    The seigneur was not therefore a large landowner to whom a mass of censitaires were subject, but the unremunerated architect of equality. If the enormous abuses committed by the seigneurs of Lower Canada were pointed out to him, Papineau replied that the system had deviated from its intentions, and that all that was necessary was to restore its original purity by legislative and judicial means.

    After Papineau became a democrat.

    Wrestler louis papineau: Louis-Joseph Papineau (French pronunciation: [lwi ʒozɛf papino]; October 7, – September 23, ), born in Montreal, Quebec, was a politician, lawyer, and the landlord of the seigneurie de la Petite-Nation.

    Influenced by Thomas Jefferson and by Jacksonian democracy, he considered North America the natural site for the development of a republic of small landowners. This rationalization concerning the seigneurial system and its social intentions was a pure creation of the mind, which was accepted by numerous supporters of the Patriote party.

    But the liberal wing of the party could not but come into conflict with Papineau on this point. The break occurred after the failure of the first insurrection in No better definition of economic and social conservatism can be found. By refusing to interfere with the seigneurial system, he sanctioned the status and economic privileges of the clergy.

    It fluctuates in accordance with his likings and aversions, conscious or unconscious, with his ambitions, his own interests and those of the people he represented. All this tallies indifferently with the claims of Papineau, who posed as a rationalist philosopher and never missed an opportunity to point out the strictness and firmness of his principles.

    This rigid but poorly connected thought, which might be considered the product of conscious opportunism, reflects the complex personality of the man. His religious ideas in particular reveal his profound uncertainty.

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  • Gradually, after leaving the seminary of Quebec, Papineau drew away from Catholicism. While still believing in God, he finally rejected all revealed religions. He found in their works, as well as a stimulus to his anticlericalism, the kind of arguments that would confirm his religious, political, and moral attitude. Violently anticlerical, he showed himself to be also a sharp critic of religious education, the privileges of the church, and the union of church and state.

    Louis Chevrolet. Louis Charles Alfred de Musset. Louis Bernard Guyton, baron de Morveau. Louis Albert Sayre. Louis Agassiz.

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    Louie, David Wong Louis Karl Rudolf Otto. Louis le Hutin. Louis Leon Thurstone. Louis M. Louis Marius Moyroud. Louis Napoleon. Louis of Baden. Papineau was the eldest of eight children [ 1 ] and was the grandfather of the journalist Henri Bourassa , founder of the newspaper Le Devoir. Papineau was described as an energetic child.

    Upon graduation, he began an apprenticeship under his father with the goal of becoming a blacksmith, but this was quickly abandoned when the young Papineau turned to law, joining his cousin Denis-Benjamin Viger. Papineau's later childhood was mainly spent on the seigniory of la Petite Nation, located on the Ottawa river, which was purchased by his father in from the Quebec Seminary.

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    In Papineau was elected member of parliament for Kent now Chambly, Quebec before being admitted to the Bar of Lower Canada in Later, he served as a militia officer in the War of In , he was sent to London with John Neilson to present a petition of 60, signatures against the Union project. In , he was chosen leader of the Patriotes, a reformed and more radical Parti Canadien.

    In , he sponsored a law which granted full equivalent political rights to Jews , 27 years before anywhere else in the British Empire. The events that led to Jews receiving full citizenship rights in Lower Canada in advance of other nations or territories in the British Dominion were due to the involvement of one Ezekiel Hart , a Jew who had proved his dedication to the burgeoning Canadian identity by raising money to support troops in Lower Canada to help in defence against United States invasion from the south.

    Papineau was part of the committee that wrote the Ninety-Two Resolutions passed by the Legislative Assembly on February 21, The resolutions called for an elected Legislative Council and an Executive Council responsible before the house of the people's representatives. Under his leadership, the party worked for the reform of Lower Canada's political institutions and strongly opposed the abuses of the appointed Legislative Council.

    In , he refused a position on the Legislative Council offered by governor Dalhousie. The British government eventually responded to the 92 Resolutions by issuing ten resolutions of their own, the Russell Resolutions named after the Home Secretary, Lord John Russell. The British government rejected all of the 92 Resolutions. After the arrival of the Russell Resolutions in Lower Canada on March 6, , Papineau led the movement of protest and participated in numerous popular assemblies.

    He led the committee that organized the boycott of essentially all British imports to Lower Canada. Papineau and O'Callaghan went to the home of Wolfred Nelson. He crossed the United States border on November Despite meeting with influential politicians such as Lamartine and Lamennais , the France of Louis-Philippe also remained neutral.

    After his wife left in "he spent a large part of his leisure in the main archival repositories in Paris, where he copied documents relating to French rule in Canada". His role in the rebellions against British rule forced him into a period of exile, during which he visited Italy and Switzerland. In , three years after he was granted amnesty by the colonial government, he returned to Montreal in what was now the united Province of Canada.

    In , he was elected member of the new united Legislative Assembly of the Province of Canada in the riding of Saint-Maurice.